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2024 Author: Seth Attwood | [email protected]. Last modified: 2023-12-16 15:55

All troubles and misfortunes come from lies, And the arbitrariness of the corrupt government …

The centenary of the Russian revolution is coming, that period of Russian history, where historiography consists of many fictions and conjectures, due to the concealment and suppression of many historical documents.

Causes? At one time, the father of the German bureaucracy, Bismarck, uttered the classic phrase: - "The measures of the government are higher than the limited reason of the subjects."

In theory, this symbol of the bureaucratic world is still recognized today. Archives? You are not ready yet …

Imagine our hypothetical reader, a listener of information channels, educated on the teachings of politicians, statesmen from the party at the helm of the government.

This reader, holder of diplomas and other certificates of education, is saturated with the idea of the primacy of politics over economics, of the omnipotence of the ruling party.

But as a man-master, he sees that the country's leadership is acting in the opposite direction to what the scientific authorities teach, what his parents were concerned about in their reasoning: it does not create, but ruins.

The reader has a false belief that the source of all troubles is a political force in the hands of the party, or, to put it more shortly, in the hands of the parties of the bureaucracy.

If our educated peasant in general, by his nature, is inclined to rebellion, to protest, then he will concentrate all his attention on this, he already has a dispersed concept of the economy, economic structure and social relations.

The doctrine of the primacy of politics over economics is as old as historiography itself. And it is clear that it clings to life. For our educated man in the street, this will be the doctrine of the political system, the theory of the Poshekhonsky police chief.

On this occasion, one involuntarily recalls Shchedrin's humorous story about how cities were built in Russia: first of all, the boss appeared to an empty place, and then the city itself arose.

But Shchedrin's humor did not go so far as to depict in this form the emergence of not a city, but an entire state …

The ancient doctrine that the state is built by "gatherers - monarchs" was distinguished by integrity and consistency.

Modern history is also built on this principle: - “the primacy of politics,” which assigns a subordinate and limited role to any personality in general, is distinguished by the same qualities.

And the dominant theory is that the individual is not in society and not above society, but side by side with society. The same can be said about the Bolsheviks, as if they arrived from outer space and did not see, and did not feel the oppression and cruel exploitation of the people.

"The primacy of politics" even distorted the very definition of the word - socialism, the postulate of which is clearly expressed in two socio - economic expressions: - "THE RIGHT TO WORK" and "THE RIGHT TO USE THE FRUIT OF YOUR LABOR."

The denial of the "primacy of politics" in history over socio - economic problems is difficult to gain ground. The established habit of traditional forms of understanding historical processes hinders, and the politicized presentation of materials in traditional textbooks also hinders.

How long will it be? Nobody can answer, I think, until we ourselves separate the grains of truth from the imposed chaff of innuendo.

Until we ourselves open the dark pages of history … Let's start with the unknown fact of the abdication of Nicholas in 1905.

The first Russian revolution was provoked by the defeat of the Russian fleet in the Russian-Japanese war of 1905. Thousands of those who returned, wounded and crippled, said that the Japanese were both educated and equipped with food and weapons much more than a Russian soldier …

At the end of 1905, the Russian press was full of revelations of the generals on supplies to the army, but the most striking thing about the press was the numbers.

A digital allusion to the results of the accessibility of general education in Russia: for 1000 new recruits in Sweden he could not read and write only one, in Germany - 1, 2, in Denmark - 4, and in Russia - 617 !.

But this is just a faint hint of the attitude of state bodies to the needs of the people, for the lack of education is fatal and perniciously reflected in the entire totality of the life of the people's organism.

For a complete answer to the above figures, it is necessary, although briefly, to indicate the figures of government spending.

The budget for 1903 is as follows: "Ministry of War and Marine" - 24%, "min. railways "- 24%," min. Finance "- 20%," state credit system "- 15%," min. internal affairs "- 6%," justice and state. property "- 3% each, and the" Ministry of Public Education "- ONLY - 2% …

Berlin spends 1.5 million marks on the police and 13 million marks on education.

In America (USA) there are 100 thousand soldiers and 422 thousand teachers. America at that time was not only rich, but also strong, strong, above all, with its great army of enlightenment.

Bacon's beautiful expression that "knowledge is power" is an expression that everyone understands and is recognized by everyone.

However, due to incomprehensible blindness, they are poorly aware of the reverse side: that "ignorance is powerlessness."

"How did St. Petersburg react to the defeat of the Russian fleet?" On this "Birzhevye Vedomosti" reports the following:

“We read newspapers and telegrams, graciously passed by the censors. They were gossiping, "Serious." And … we went to the islands, to the amusement gardens, to restaurants, to summer cottages - to the mission of organizing state welfare.

Even naval officers, immediately after the death of their native fleet, found an opportunity to revel with cocottes …

No one guessed, even out of decency, to serve a requiem for the dead comrades.

The bureaucracy has weaned Russia off thinking and feeling. I have disaccustomed to express my thoughts, to be indignant, to show will, even to cry”.

Another striking, historical fact, the world stock exchanges in London and New York did not react in any way to such a catastrophe as the death of the Russian fleet.

Russia was doomed to be torn apart, between the world powers, and hence the motives for the abdication of Nicholas II in 1905 are clear.

In April 1917, at a closed meeting of the Russian Historical Society, Academician Bunyakovsky made a report that he found Nikolai Romanov's manifesto on his abdication from the throne in the Senate archives on October 17, 1905.

According to the speaker, he accidentally discovered in the secret section of the Senate archive the revision number of the Collection of Legalizations and Government Orders of October 17, 1905, in which the following manifesto was printed:

“Troubles and unrest in the capitals and in many places of our great empire fill our hearts with grievous sorrow. The welfare of the Russian sovereign is not torn apart from the welfare of the people, and the sadness of the people is his sorrow.

From the unrest that has arisen today, there may appear a deep disorder of the people and a threat to the integrity and unity of our state.

In these decisive days in the life of Russia, we considered it our duty of conscience to facilitate the close unity and rallying of all the forces of the people for our people, for the greater success of the state, and recognized it for the good to abdicate the throne of the Russian state and resign the supreme power.

Not wishing to part with our beloved son, we pass our heritage on to our brother, Prince Mikhail Alexandrovich, and bless him for accession to the throne of the Russian state."

The signature follows: Nikolai Romanov and the brace of the Minister of the Court, Baron Fredericks. For this date, October 16, 1905. (written by New Peterhof).

The following inscription is made in red pencil on the text of the manifesto.

"To suspend printing" - the managing director of the printing house, the chamberlain Kedrinsky.

A. A. Kedrinsky, who was the manager of the Senate printing house in 1905, says the following about the reasons for the suspension of the publication of the manifesto:

“On October 16, at 8 o'clock in the evening, a courier came to him with a package of the Minister of the Court, Baron Fredericks, which contained the aforementioned text from the manifesto and Fredericks’s letter with a proposal to print the manifesto in the October 17 issue of the Collection of Legislation.

Since the manifesto was received not in the usual way, through the Minister of Justice, Kedrinsky, having handed it over to the printing house for typing, reported by phone to Shcheglovaty about the manifesto that had been received for publication.

At first, the Minister of Justice only asked to suspend the printing of the manifesto, but already at eleven o'clock in the morning an official for special assignments under Scheglovitov appeared to Kedrinsky, who demanded to show him the original of the manifesto, and ordered the proof sheet to be handed over to the Senate archive.

"The primacy of politics" is very clearly traced in the presentation of the history of the Russian Revolution and the Civil War.

On March 3, 1917, the Provisional Government, together with the Manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II, announced the democratic principles of state structure, namely the implementation of civil liberties and the elimination of national and religious restrictions, freedom of speech.

The postulate of democracy "Freedom, equality, brotherhood" was accepted as a basis by all strata of Russian society in the struggle against the old regime.

Instead of the abolished "tsarist" management and police bodies, a new government was formed in the person of the Soviets of Deputies, created from elected deputies from the social moderate strata of society, workers and soldiers.

As the first country of the Soviets in history.

A well-known economist, professor M. Tugan-Baranovsky in 1917 published an article entitled “The Meaning of the Russian Revolution” in Birzhevye Vedomosti.

He compares it to the Turkish revolution and finds a deep difference. In Turkey, soldiers were only obedient executors of the officers' will. “And here,” he says, “those guards regiments that overthrew the Russian throne on February 27 came without their officers, or if with officers, then only with a small part of them. At the head of these regiments were not generals, but crowds of workers who began an uprising and dragged the soldiers with them.

This is where we feel the distinctive feature of the Russian revolution: the Turkish revolution was entirely political, the Russian - deeply social.

This is the deep, world-historical meaning of the Russian revolution, which must be definitely recognized and understood. A great social revolution has taken place in Russia.

For it was not the army, but the workers who started the uprising. Not generals, but soldiers went to the State. Duma. The soldiers, on the other hand, supported the workers not because they obediently carried out the orders of their officers, but because they perceived themselves as a people, not in the sense that they felt themselves to be the same Russian people as the officers, but in the sense that they felt their a blood connection with the workers, as with a class of workers who are just like themselves.

This is the social origin of the Russian revolution, and this is its characteristic feature. That is why we immediately had two authorities - the Provisional Government, elected by the State. Duma, and the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies.

The soldiers' deputies in this Soviet are, in essence, nothing more than peasant deputies. Peasants and workers are the two social classes that made the Russian revolution.

And the fact that, having carried out the revolution, the soldiers and workers did not transfer power into the hands of the Provisional Government, but kept it in their hands, clearly shows that the goals of the revolution in the eyes of its creators are still far from being achieved. In the eyes of the working classes, the revolution is just beginning.

Good or bad, but it is!"

IN AND. In his April theses, Lenin absolutely precisely defined that the party would take power, which would lead the Soviets. He addressed this appeal to the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries with one condition that they move away from the capitalists - militarists who make money in the war.

The huge State, as if awakened from centuries-old sleep, realized its originality and independence. In the first days of the great revolution, when Russia threw off the rotten yoke of tsarism, all socialist parties merged into one great, revolutionary Russian democracy.

With the development of the revolution, with the transition from destructive work to creative work, a natural class differentiation by parties took place.

But for one reason or another (it is hardly possible to list them here, but the main one is the question of land), Russian democracy did not hold on to this normal point and quickly rolled down the slope of further party fragmentation into smaller currents.

Instead of intensified joint creative work, the struggle of various parties and factions began, the struggle was extremely fierce and furious, poured out beyond the boundaries of the party organizations into the street, turning into a crowd that was undisciplined and poorly versed in party disputes and disagreements.

A new term appeared on everyone's lips - Counterrevolution, of which each other was accused.

The counter-revolution is not in the Soviets, not in the Provisional Government and its ten bourgeois ministers, not in the orders of Kerensky and not in the offensive at the front.

Counter-revolution is felt in that suspicious remoteness of the oligarchy and the Provisional Government from the cause of state building in Russia.

It's ridiculous, after all, to think that the Russian oligarchy, and especially the large industrialists and capitalists, so quickly and almost without resistance, reconciled themselves to the loss of power, a state of affairs that is fundamentally disastrous for their existence.

The victory over the bourgeoisie went to Russian democracy too easily and with the obvious, I want to say, the connivance and help of the bourgeoisie itself. Who went to the king's headquarters for the Act of abdication? Not a worker or a peasant!

Seeing that the revolution is stronger, that the leadership of the Soviets is no longer possible, the Russian bourgeoisie and its ideological leaders Guchkov, Konovalov, Rodzianko and others like them, chose to step aside themselves and passive contemplation, leaving factions and parties to fiercely fight each other and weaken the forces of revolutionary Russian democracy., Between the two classes into which Russia was sharply divided - the bourgeoisie and the democracy - there was still a huge mass of “philistines,” the very same philistine who was provoked to the July demonstration.

With this manifestation, they tried to discredit the Soviets and restore the authority of the Provisional Government. All resulted in the establishment of the Dictatorship of BP. Government represented by Kerensky and the return of the death penalty and punishment.

The ideological, programmatic design of the White movement began from the moment General Kornilov's speech was prepared - from September 1917. And it resulted in an open confrontation against the majority of the revolutionary - democratic strata of society, awaiting a radical state reorganization.

In historiography, the opinion that this was a war against Bolshevism has taken root, although, according to the same data, the number of Bolsheviks until October 1917, according to some data, was 10-12 thousand people, according to others - 24 thousand, in Petrograd there are about two thousand members of the Bolshevik Party …

In city dumas across Russia in August 1917, the Bolsheviks have: in Voronezh - 2 Bolsheviks, Rostov on Don - 3, Sevastopol - 1, Nakhichevan - 3. There are only a few cities in the province where the Bolsheviks have 10% and over 10% … In Kharkov out of 116 they own 11, in Saratov out of 113 they have 13, in Yaroslavl out of 113 - 12, in Irkutsk out of 90 - they have 9, in Moscow - 23 out of 200.

The citadel of "Bolshevism" is the city of Tsaritsyn. Here, out of 103 places they own - 39 (socialist bloc - 41, homeowners - 8). However, the secret of the success of Bolshevism in Tsaritsyn is very simple. Almost half of the electoral votes belonged to the soldiers of the local garrison.

The Central Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, elected on June 23, 1917, consisted of: Mensheviks - 21 people, Socialist-Revolutionaries - 19, Bolsheviks - 7, Social Democrats. - Internationalists - 2, Labor People's Socialist Party - 1.

Lenin considered it possible that - “the communists will come to power through the conquest of the Soviets, that is, to a certain extent, by parliamentary means. But he made a reservation that this stage is very short, measured in weeks, even days."

The Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets approved the overthrow of the Provisional Government and the slogan "All power to the Soviets" became a call for the formation of branches of power and protection of the gains of the revolution.

In 1918, 17 separate regions were formed on the territory of Russia, which declared themselves independent republics (!) And 9 regional, independent governments, except for the government of Lenin in Petrograd. And the policy pursued by them was independent of the central (Petrograd) government.

So, for example: in Saratov and Samara, power in the Soviets belonged to the anarchists, complaints about their behavior fell on the Bolsheviks. In the republics - the Mensheviks - the nationalists, in the Ural Republic - the Socialist-Revolutionaries, etc.

After the speech of the Czechs, financed by the French imperialists, an armed confrontation began against the Soviets at all levels.

Historiography is full of facts: after the arrival of armed formations of military and political leaders (generals Kornilov, Alekseev, Denikin, Kolchak, Wrangel, atamans Dutov, Krasnov, Semyonov, etc.), deputies and members of the Soviets were first shot, regardless of their political affiliation. And further, almost universal flogging of peasants, including women.

Each of the 26 "independent" republics and regions independently formed Red Guard units and partisan formations and led the defense of their Soviets and territorial independence.

Throughout the country, there were seventeen (17!) Fronts, both from domestic and foreign invaders. So it was not a fight against "Bolshevism", but it was a war against the people's will: - To live a new life!

The "Decree on Land" and "Declaration of the Rights of Workers and Exploited People" adopted by the All-Russian Congresses caused antagonism not only among the participants of the "white movement", but also among numerous foreign owners of lands and factories.

According to the Ministry of Finance: - all factories and plants in all provinces of European Russia 17, 605, with an annual production of one billion 467 million rubles.

The most developed industry is in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Kiev, and Vladimir provinces. The annual amount of production in the first two provinces reaches: in Moscow 276,791,000 with 2,075 factories, in St. Petersburg - 212,928,000 with 927 factories. Kiev and throughout Ukraine over 6, 000 manufactures.

In the Baltic region, the annual production in 3 provinces reaches 79,000,000 rubles with 1,318 factories and plants. In all provinces of the Kingdom of Poland there are 2,711 factories and plants, with an annual production sum of 229,485,000 rubles.

In the provinces and regions of the Caucasus, there are factories and plants - 1, 199, the annual amount of production - 34.733, 000 rubles.

In the provinces of Siberia, all factories and plants - 609, the annual production amount - 12,000,000 rubles.

In the Turkestan Territory, there are 359 factories and plants, which produce 16.180,000 rubles.

Over 60% of all of the above industries are owned by foreign capital. It is for this reason that the Constituent Assembly itself dissolved, without having time to convene for one reason only: no autonomy and self-determination of nations!

And numerous "wolves" rushed to tear Russia apart. Turks to Georgia and Baku, British to Baku, Wed. Asia and north to Arkhangelsk, Japanese to the Far East. Local "authorities" Antonov, Makhno, Basmachi, led by the British.

So it was not a war against "Bolshevism", but against the people's, national self-determination of the people in the person of the Soviets. It was a struggle for land, which is beautifully described in the newspaper Zemlya i Volya by the organ of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party:

“The land should be the property of all people. And only people who process it with their own labor can use it for agricultural purposes.

You cannot trade land, you cannot lease it, for no one has made the land. She is a necessary condition for human life.

Therefore, the land should be transferred from the current owners without redemption. You cannot show injustice. Nobody bought their slaves from the owners. They were simply released. And the land just needs to be freed.

But if there is no ransom, then society can reward the victims of this radical upheaval. And this remuneration and its size will fully depend on the conditions under which the transfer of land to public ownership - the socialization of the land - will take place.

If this happens peacefully, by legislative act, without a fight and civil war, if the current owners give in without bloodshed, then, of course, society will reward them for losses and hardships, help them painlessly survive the transition period and adapt to a new life.

It is another matter if this reform has to be bought with blood. In this case, the people will not want to pay twice: with blood and money.

The current owners will have to move away all that land that they cannot handle with their own family labor (labor standard).

"The military forces are not enough to save the country, while it is invincible when it is defended by the people."

These words belong to Napoleon I, and he already experienced it on his own experience.