How many clergymen of the Russian Orthodox Church were killed in 1917-1926?

2024 Author: Seth Attwood | [email protected]. Last modified: 2023-12-16 15:55

The memoirs and historiographic works published today contain contradictory information regarding the number of these victims, and the numbers cited in them differ from each other sometimes by tens, hundreds, or even thousands of times.

So, on the one hand, the well-known historian of the Russian Orthodox Church D. V. Pospelovsky in one of his works argued that from June 1918 to March 1921 at least 28 bishops, 102 parish priests and 154 deacons died [1], from which one can make the conclusion that, according to the scientist, the number of victims among the clergy during the years of the civil war should be measured in hundreds [2]. On the other hand, a much more impressive figure circulates in the literature: out of 360 thousand clergy who worked in the ROC before the revolution, by the end of 1919 only 40 thousand people remained alive [3]. In other words, it is argued that in the first two years of the civil war alone, about 320 thousand clerics were killed. Let us note in passing that this figure is absolutely unreliable: official church statistics (the annual "All-subject reports of the Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod for the Department of the Orthodox Confession …", published for many years before the revolution) testifies that the number of clergymen of the Russian Orthodox Church never exceeded 70 thousand people …

It makes no sense to list all the existing today "intermediate" versions of the number of victims among the clergy after 1917. The authors touching upon this issue, as a rule, express unfounded judgments: either they introduce their own statistics into circulation, without naming the sources and without disclosing the method of their calculations; or give false references to hard-to-reach or non-existent sources; or they rely on previous research that suffers from one of these shortcomings. As for the presence of false references, one of the early works of the famous historian M. Yu. Krapivin, which reproduces the above-mentioned thesis about allegedly 320 thousand dead priests, can serve as such an example [4]. As a "proof" the author gives a reference to the Central State Archives of the October Revolution and Socialist Construction of the USSR: "F [ond] 470. Op [is] 2. D [ate] 25–26, 170, etc." [5] However, the appeal to the indicated cases [6] shows that there are no such figures in them, and the reference is made arbitrarily.

So, the purpose of this publication is to establish how many clergymen of the Russian Orthodox Church died by violent death in the Territory from the beginning of 1917 to the end of 1926.

A. Let's find the number of those who were already clergy in the Territory by the beginning of 1917

For many years before the revolution, the ROC annually presented a detailed report on its activities. It usually bore the title "The Most Submissive Report of the Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod for the Department of the Orthodox Confession for … a year." The only exception was the report for 1915, which was named somewhat differently: "Review of the activities of the department of the Orthodox confession in 1915". As a rule, these were very weighty, several hundred pages, editions with a detailed description of all the main events of church life over the past year, a large number of statistical tables, etc. Alas, reports for 1916 and 1917. did not manage to be published (obviously, in connection with revolutionary events). For this reason, one should refer to the reports for 1911–1915 [7]. From them, you can glean information about the number of archpriests, priests, deacons and protodeacons (regular and supernumerary):

- in 1911 there were 3,341 archpriests in the Russian Orthodox Church, 48,901 priests, 15,258 deacons and protodeacons;

- in 1912 - 3399 archpriests, 49141 priests, 15248 deacons and protodeacons;

- in 1913 - 3,412 archpriests, 49,235 priests, 15,523 deacons and protodeacons;

- in 1914 - 3603 archpriests, 49 631 priests, 15 694 deacons and protodeacons;

- in 1915- 3679 archpriests, 49 423 priests, 15 856 deacons and protodeacons.

As you can see, the number of representatives of each category has hardly changed from year to year, with a slight tendency to increase. Based on the data presented, it is possible to calculate the approximate number of clergymen by the end of 1916 - the beginning of 1917. To do this, the average annual "increase", calculated over the five years given, should be added to the number of representatives of each category in the last (1915) year:

3679 + (3679–3341): 4 = 3764 archpriest;

49 423 + (49 423–48 901): 4 = 49 554 priests;

15 856 + (15 856–15 258): 4 = 16 006 deacons and protodeacons. Total: 3764 + 49 554 + 16 006 = 69 324 people.

This means that by the end of 1916 - the beginning of 1917, there were 69,324 archpriest, priest, deacon and protodeacon in the ROC.

To them it is necessary to add representatives of the higher clergy - protopresbyters, bishops, archbishops and metropolitans (recall that there was no patriarch in 1915, as well as in general for two centuries until the end of 1917, in the ROC). In view of the relative small number of the higher clergy, we can assume that by the end of 1916 - the beginning of 1917 its total number was the same as at the end of 1915, that is, 171 people: 2 protopresbyters, 137 bishops, 29 archbishops and 3 metropolitans [eight].

Thus, having covered all categories of clergy, the following intermediate conclusion can be drawn: by the end of 1916 - the beginning of 1917, the ROC numbered a total of 69 324 + 171 = 69 495 clergy.

However, as noted above, the "zone of influence" of the ROC extended far beyond the territory. The areas outside of it, covered by this influence, can be divided into Russian, that is, those that were part of the Russian Empire, and foreign. The Russian regions are, first of all, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia and Finland. 5 large dioceses correspond to them: Warsaw, Kholmsk, Lithuanian, Riga and Finland. According to official church reports, shortly before the revolution in these areas worked: 136 archpriests, 877 priests, 175 deacons and protodeacons (data for 1915) [9], as well as 6 representatives of the higher clergy - bishops, archbishops and metropolitans (data for 1910 d.) [10]. In total: 1194 people. full-time and supernumerary clergy.

Thus, it can be argued with a high degree of certainty that at the end of 1916 - the beginning of 1917, about 1376 (1194 + 182) clergymen of the Russian Orthodox Church worked outside the Territory. Consequently, their number within the Territory by the end of 1916 - the beginning of 1917 was 68,119 (69,495−1376) people. Thus, A = 68,119.

B. Let us estimate the number of those who became clergy in the Territory from the beginning of 1917 to the end of 1926

It is extremely difficult, if not impossible, to establish a more or less exact number of people in this subgroup. Calculations of this kind, especially those related to the period of the civil war, are complicated by failures in the work of church structures, the irregularity of the publication of church periodicals, the unsettled state system of population registration, spontaneous relocations of clergymen from one region to another, etc. For this reason, we will have to limit ourselves to calculating a single lower estimate for the annual number of new arrivals in 1917-1926. How to do it?

Firstly, behind was the first Russian revolution (1905-1907), passions subsided, there were few bloody clashes. Even a simple look at the diocesan printed editions of 1910 leaves the impression that at that time practically none of the clergymen died a violent death. Secondly, the First World War (1914-1918) had not yet begun, clergymen were not sent to the front. These two circumstances allow us to say that in 1910 mortality (from all causes) and natural mortality among the clergy are practically identical values. Third, 1909-1910. were fruitful [13], which means that among the clergy there was a relatively low mortality rate from hunger or from weakened health due to malnutrition (if such cases happened at all).

So, it is necessary to find the mortality rate among the clergy of the ROC in 1910, that is, the ratio of the number of deaths during 1910 to their total number in the same year. In fact, the calculation covers 31 out of 68 dioceses: Vladivostok, Vladimir, Vologda, Voronezh, Vyatka, Donskaya, Yekaterinburg, Kiev, Kishinev, Kostroma, Kursk, Minsk, Moscow, Olonets, Omsk, Orel, Perm, Podolsk, Polotsk, Poltava, Psk, Ryazan, Samara, Tambov, Tver, Tula, Kharkov, Kherson, Chernigov, Yakutsk and Yaroslavl. More than half of all clergymen of the Russian Orthodox Church (51% of all archpriests, 60% of all priests, and 60% of all deacons and protodeacons) worked in these dioceses. Therefore, we can confidently say that the calculated mortality rate with a high degree of accuracy reflects the situation in all dioceses of the Territory in 1910. The result of the calculation was as follows: in the listed dioceses during 1910, 80 out of 1,673 archpriests died, 502 out of 29,383 priests, 209 out of 9671 deacons and protodeacons [14]. In addition, the official church report for 1910 indicates that in the reporting year in the listed dioceses, 4 out of 66 bishops died [15]. Total: 795 out of 40 793 people, that is, 1, 95% of the total number of clergy in the indicated dioceses.

Hence, there are two important conclusions. First, from 1917 to 1926, at least 1, 95% of clergymen died of natural causes every year. And secondly, since by the beginning of 1917 there were 68,119 clergymen working in the Territory (see item A), in the pre-revolutionary years about 1328 (68,119 x 1, 95%) clergymen died by natural death in the Territory every year. As noted above, approximately the same number of people became clergy every year before the revolution. This means that within 10 years - from the beginning of 1917 to the end of 1926 - no more than 13,280 people joined the ranks of the clergy of the ROC. Total, B ≤ 13,280.

C. Find the number of those who were clergy in the Territory at the end of 1926

In December of this year, the All-Union Population Census was carried out in the USSR. According to the conclusion of modern experts, it was prepared in a calm and businesslike atmosphere, the best specialists were involved in its development, and, moreover, it did not feel pressure from above [16]. None of the historians and demographers question the high accuracy of the results of this census.

The questionnaires included an item on the main (generating the main income) and secondary (generating additional income) occupations. The priests, for whom church activity was the main occupation, turned out to be 51 076 people [17], side occupation - 7511 people [18]. Consequently, at the end of 1926, a total of 51,076 + 7511 = 58,587 Orthodox clergy were working in the Territory. Thus, C = 58 587.

D. Find the number of those who, by the end of 1926, found themselves outside the Territory as a result of emigration

In the research literature, the opinion has been established that at least 3,500 representatives of the military clergy served in the White Army (about 2 thousand people - with A. V. Kolchak, more than 1 thousand - with A. I. Denikin, more than 500 people - at P. N. Wrangel) and that "a significant part of them subsequently ended up in emigration" [19]. How many clergy were among the emigrated clergy is a question that requires painstaking research. The works on this matter say very vaguely: "many priests", "hundreds of priests", etc. We could not find more specific data, so we turned to the famous researcher of the history of the Russian Orthodox Church, Doctor of Historical Sciences M. V. Shkarovsky for advice. According to his estimates, during the years of the civil war, about 2 thousand clergy emigrated from the Territory [20]. So D = 2000.

E. Determine the number of those who in 1917-1926. took off his priesthood

Modern researchers rarely remember this phenomenon. However, already in the spring of 1917 it began to gain strength. After the overthrow of the autocracy, all spheres of life in Russian society were embraced by the processes of democratization. In particular, believers who had the opportunity to elect their own clergy, in many regions expelled unwanted priests from churches and replaced them with others who were more respectful of parishioners, had greater spiritual authority, etc. Thus, 60 priests were removed from the Kiev diocese., in Volynskaya - 60, in Saratov - 65, in the Penza diocese - 70, etc. [21]. In addition, in the spring, summer and early autumn of 1917, even before the October Uprising, there were a large number of cases of seizure of church and monastery lands by peasants, insulting attacks, mockery and even direct violence against the clergy by peasants [22]. The described processes led to the fact that already in the middle of 1917 many clergymen found themselves in a very difficult situation, some of them were forced to transfer to other churches or even leave their habitable places. The situation of the clergy became even more complicated after the October events. According to the new laws, the ROC was deprived of state funding, compulsory fees from parishioners were prohibited, and the material support of the parish clergy fell on the shoulders of believers. Where the spiritual pastor had won the respect of his flock over the years of his service, the issue was easily resolved. But priests who did not have spiritual authority, under the pressure of circumstances, moved to other settlements or even changed their occupation. In addition, during the period of the greatest intensity of the civil war (mid-1918 - late 1919), the clergy were often labeled as “exploiters”, “accomplices of the old regime,” “deceivers,” etc. Regardless of which To the degree, these definitions in each specific case reflected the reality and mood of the masses, all of them, undoubtedly, created a negative informational background around the Orthodox clergy.

There are known examples when clergymen voluntarily joined the "red" partisan detachments or were carried away by the ideas of building a new, socialist, society, which resulted in their gradual departure from their previous activities [27]. Some became clergymen with the outbreak of the First World War in 1914 in order to avoid being drafted to the front, and at the end of the war, in 1918 or a little later, they took off their rank and returned to more familiar, secular, occupations, in particular, they worked in Soviet institutions [28]. An important factor was the disillusionment in faith and / or church service, which occurred in a number of cases, because the Soviet government in the first years of its existence encouraged free discussion and discussion on religious and anti-religious topics, often rightly pointing out the hard-hitting aspects of church activity [29]. During the period of the split of the Orthodox clergy into "renovationists" and "Tikhonovites" (from the spring of 1922), some clergymen were dismissed because they were expelled by parishioners and / or representatives of the opposing wing from their churches and did not find another acceptable place of service [thirty]. But nevertheless, the main reason for the process under discussion, apparently, was a difficult financial situation and the inability to get a job in Soviet institutions for a person dressed in clergy [31].

In 1919, the Soviet press, probably not without exaggeration, wrote about the then priests that “half of them rushed to the Soviet service, some for accountants, [some] for clerks, some for the protection of ancient monuments; many take off their robes and feel great”[32].

The central press periodically published reports about the removal of dignity by the clergy in various parts of the country. Here are some examples.

“84 churches of various confessions have been closed in Gori district. He was dismissed by 60 priests”[33] (1923).

“Recently, there has been an epidemic of flight of priests from churches in Podolia. The executive committee receives mass applications from priests to dedign and join a working family”[34] (1923).

“In Shorapan uyezd, 47 priests and a deacon of the Sachkher district were retired and decided to lead a working life. The local peasant committee assisted them in the allotment of land to them for farming”[35] (1924).

“In connection with the latest massacres of the churchmen of Odessa, which caused a strong undermining of the authority of the priests, there is a massive renunciation of their dignity (emphasized in the original. - G. Kh.). 18 priests filed an application for abdication”[36] (1926).

“In the village of Barmaksiz, after the announcement of the verdict in the case of the Tsalka“miracle workers”, a statement was received from the convicted priests Karibov, Paraskevov and Simonov to the chairman of the visiting session of the court. The priests declare that they renounce their dignity and want to work for the benefit of the workers 'and peasants' state”[37] (1926).

What was the procedure for the transition of a clergyman to a secular state? Some sat down to write a statement addressed to the church authorities with a request to remove their dignity and, having received a positive answer, got a job in secular positions. Others left the state, moved, and in the new place they simply did not "attach" to any local church structures. There were also those who defiantly removed their dignity - announcing this at the end of a public dispute with an atheist opponent, publishing a corresponding statement in newspapers, etc.

“When studying the articles of church periodicals for 1917–1918,” writes Archimandrite Iannuariy (Nedachin), “one really gets the impression that in those years many Orthodox priests and deacons left church services and switched to secular services” [40].

However, it is not easy to assess the scale of the "migration" of clergymen outside the church fence. There are practically no special works on this topic, with figures for a particular region. The only known example is the article by Archimandrite Iannuariy (Nedachin), dedicated to the "flight of the clergy" in two districts of the Smolensk diocese - Yukhnovsky and Sychevsky, in which 12% of the diocesan clergy worked. The archimandrite's calculations showed that in just two years, 1917 and 1918, the number of clergymen who left the service of the Church here could reach 13% of their pre-revolutionary number (every seventh) [41].

There is no doubt that the number of clergymen who left the Church in the first years after the February Revolution numbered in the thousands. This is evidenced at least by the fact that by the beginning of 1925 the Soviet special services knew up to a thousand representatives of the Orthodox clergy, who were one step away from public renunciation of the holy dignity [42].

All these observations confirm the opinion of the well-known church historian Archpriest A. V. Makovetskiy, who believes that in the first years after the February Revolution, about 10% of the pre-revolutionary number of clergymen was added to the rank [43]. It is this assessment that is accepted in this work, although, of course, it requires careful justification and, probably, refinement. If we talk only about those clergymen of the Russian Orthodox Church who worked in the Territory (and, we recall, there were 68,119 people), then from the beginning of 1917 to the end of 1926, about 6812 (68,119 × 10%) people should have been removed from their ranks. …

The order of the announced figure looks quite plausible. Taking into account the fact that we are talking about a period of 10 years and about a huge country with about 60-70 dioceses, usually numbered 800-1200 clergymen, it turns out that annually in each diocese about 10 people were dismissed. It can be said in another way: from 1917 to 1926, every 100th clergyman left the church service every year. This is quite consistent with the impressions about the scale of the process under consideration, which can be taken from the scattered publications in the press of those years, memoirs, modern studies, etc. Thus, we can assume that E = 6812.

F. Let us estimate the number of those who in 1917-1926. passed away naturally

As noted above, by the end of 1916 there were about 68,119 clergymen working in the Territory, and at the end of 1926 - 58 587. It can be assumed that during these 10 years the number of clergymen in the Territory decreased every year, and evenly. It is clear that in this case the annual reduction in the number of clergy will be on average (68 119 - 58587): 10 = 953 people. Now, knowing the number of clergymen at the beginning of 1917, you can easily calculate their approximate number at the beginning of each next year (each time you have to subtract 953). This means that at the beginning of 1917 there were 68,119 clergymen in the Territory; at the beginning of 1918 - 67,166; at the beginning of 1919 - 66,213; at the beginning of 1920 - 65,260; at the beginning of 1921 - 64 307; at the beginning of 1922 - 63 354; at the beginning of 1923 - 62,401; at the beginning of 1924 - 61 448; at the beginning of 1925 - 60,495 and at the beginning of 1926 there were 59,542 clergymen in the Territory.

In the previous paragraph, it was shown that in 1910 the natural mortality rate among the clergy was 1.95% per year. Obviously, in 1917-1926. this mortality was no less. Thus, during 1917 at least 1,328 clergymen died of natural death in the Territory; during 1918 - not less than 1310; during 1919 - not less than 1291; during 1920 - not less than 1273; during 1921 - not less than 1254; during 1922 - not less than 1235; during 1923 - not less than 1217; during 1924 - not less than 1198; during 1925 - at least 1180 and during 1926 at least 1161 clergymen died of natural death in the Territory.

In total, from the beginning of 1917 to the end of 1926, a total of at least 12,447 clergymen died of natural death in the Territory. Thus, F ≥ 12 447.

Let's summarize. Recall once again that A + B = C + D + E + F + X, from which we can conclude that X = (A - C - D - E) + (B - F). As stated above, A = 68 119, B ≤ 13 280, C = 58 587, D = 2000, E = 6812, F ≥ 12 447. Hence, A - C - D - E = 68 119 - 58 587-2000 - 6812 = 720;

B - F ≤ 13 280 - 12 447 = 833.

Therefore, X ≤ 720 + 833 = 1553.

Rounding off the figure obtained, it can be argued that, according to the data and estimates available today, during the first revolutionary decade, that is, from the beginning of 1917 to the end of 1926, no more than 1600 clergymen of the Russian Orthodox Church died by violent death within the borders of the USSR in 1926. …

How can this number of victims be estimated in the general context of the first revolutionary years? During the civil war, a huge number of people died on both sides of the barricades: from epidemics, injuries, repression, terror, cold and hunger. Here are some random examples. According to demographers, in the Yekaterinburg province, Kolchak's men shot and tortured more than 25 thousand people [44]; about 300 thousand people became victims of Jewish pogroms, carried out mainly by White Guards, Ukrainian nationalists and Poles [45]; the total losses of the white and red armed forces (killed in battles, those who died from wounds, etc.) amount to 2, 5–3, 3 million people [46]. And this is just a few years of war. Against the background of the listed figures, the losses among the clergy for 10 years seem not so impressive. However, it makes sense to pose the question differently: what percentage of the clergy of the ROC died a violent death during the period under study? Let us remind once again that in 1917-1926. clergymen managed to visit the Territory (A + B) people, that is, (C + D + E + F + X) people, which means no less than C + D + E + F = 58 587 + 2000 + 6812 + 12447 = 79 846 people. The number 1600 is 2% of the value 79 846. Thus, according to the data and estimates available today, during the first revolutionary decade, from the beginning of 1917 to the end of 1926, no more than 2 were killed by violent deaths within the borders of the USSR in 1926. % of all Orthodox clergy. It is unlikely that this figure gives grounds to talk about the "genocide of the clergy" in the specified period.

Let's go back to the absolute estimate - "no more than 1600 dead clergymen." She needs some comment.

The result obtained may meet with objections from those involved in the confiscation of church valuables in 1922–1923: it is traditionally believed that this campaign was accompanied by enormous human sacrifices and claimed the lives of many thousands (usually they say about 8 thousand) representatives of the Orthodox clergy. In fact, as an appeal to archival materials from several dozen regions shows, in most places the seizure proceeded quite calmly on the whole, and the actual victims among the population (including clergymen) throughout the country amounted at most to several dozen people.

It is useful to compare this absolute estimate with some other figures. It makes no sense to mention here all the existing "versions" of the number of victims, since, as already noted, the origin of most of such figures appearing in the literature remains unclear. In addition, researchers often cite generalized data on the clergy as a whole or on the clergy together with church activists, without highlighting the statistics on the dead clergymen as a "separate line". We will only touch upon those estimates, the "nature" of which (sources, calculation methodology, chronological framework, etc.) seems to be quite definite. There are only two of them: the first is the number of killed clergymen registered in the Database “Affected for Christ”; and the second is the Cheka's data on the executions of priests and monastics in 1918 and 1919. Let's consider them in more detail.

Since the early 1990s. The Orthodox St. Tikhon's Theological Institute (now the Orthodox St. Tikhon's University for the Humanities (PSTGU), Moscow) is systematically collecting information about people who were oppressed in the first decades of Soviet power and were somehow connected with the Russian Orthodox Church. As a result of almost 30 years of intensive searches on a variety of sources, including a huge number (more than 70) of state archives in almost all regions of Russia and even some CIS countries [47], with the participation of more than 1000 people. the richest material was collected. All the information obtained was entered and continues to be entered into a specially developed electronic database "Affected for Christ" [48], which until his death in 2010 was supervised by Professor N. Ye. Emelyanov, and now - by the staff of the Department of Informatics of PSTGU. Today this unique resource represents the most complete database of its kind. At the moment there are 35,780 people in the Base. (data as of 28.03.2018) [49]; of them, priests who died in the period from 1917 to 1926, a total of 858 people, and in 1917, 12 people died, in 1918–506, in 1919–166, in 1920–51, in 1921–61, in 1922–29, in 1923–11, in 1924–14, in 1925–5, in 1926 - 3 people. (data as of 05.04.2018) [50]. Thus, the result obtained is in good agreement with that specific biographical material (albeit not yet complete, and not always accurate) that has been accumulated by church researchers to date.

Thus, the estimates based on the archival data known to us are in full agreement with our conclusions.

In conclusion, I would like to draw your attention to two circumstances that are often overlooked.

First. By no means all the clergymen of the Russian Orthodox Church, who died a violent death in the studied decade, became victims of the pro-Bolshevik forces - the Red Army or employees of the Cheka-GPU. It should not be forgotten that in the middle of 1917, even before the October Revolution, there were massacres of the clergy by the peasants [56]. In addition, in 1917 and later, anarchists and ordinary criminals could commit murders of members of the clergy [57]. There are cases when peasants, already during the years of the civil war, killed clergymen out of revenge (for example, for assisting punishers), without any political - "red", "white" or "green" - motivation and without any leadership from the Bolsheviks [58]. Still little known is the fact that during the years of the civil war a number of Orthodox clergymen died at the hands of representatives of the White movement. Thus, there is information about deacon Anisim Reshetnikov, who was “shot by Siberian troops for obvious sympathy with the Bolsheviks” [59]. There is an unnamed mention of a certain priest (probable surname - Brezhnev), who was shot by whites "for sympathy with the Soviet regime" [60]. The memoirs contain information about the murder of the priest of the village of Kureinsky, Father Pavel, by the White Cossack detachments, also for helping the Reds [61]. In the fall of 1919, by order of General Denikin, priest A. I. Kulabukhov (sometimes they write: Kalabukhov), who at that time was in opposition to both Denikin and the Bolsheviks; as a result, the priest was hanged by the white general VL Pokrovsky in Yekaterinodar [62]. In the Kama region, during the anti-Bolshevik uprising in 1918, priest Dronin was shot, "who showed sympathy for the Bolsheviks" [63]. In Mongolia, either personally by General Baron Ungern, or by his subordinates, the Orthodox priest Fyodor Aleksandrovich Parnyakov, who actively supported the Bolsheviks, was tortured and beheaded. The local Russian population called him “our red priest”. It is noteworthy that the son and daughter of FA Parnyakov joined the Bolshevik Party and took an active part in the battles for Soviet power in Siberia [64]. In the Trans-Baikal village of Altan, the Whites killed a priest who did not sympathize with the Semenovites [65]. In 1919, in Rostov-on-Don, the opponents of the Bolsheviks shot the priest Mitropol'skiy, the reason for the reprisal was "a speech he made in the church, in which he called for an end to the civil war and reconciliation with the Soviet regime, which proclaimed the equality and brotherhood of all working people" [66] … To the above examples, collected by the Voronezh researcher, Candidate of Historical Sciences NA Zaits [67], we can add a few more. By order of General Baron Ungern, a priest who was critical of his activities was shot dead [68]. In the Ural village of Teplyaki, a priest who expressed sympathy for the Soviet regime was arrested by whites, tortured and humiliated, and sent to the Shamara station; on the way, the convoy dealt with him, and left the body unburied [69]. In the village of Talovka, located between Astrakhan and Makhachkala, the Denikinites hanged a priest, who had recently developed a trusting relationship with the Red Army men who were standing in the village before the arrival of the Whites [70]. Memoirs report on the execution by Denikin's troops of two pro-Soviet priests [71]. In late 1921 - early 1922 in the Far East there was a whole series of murders of priests by whites; the reasons for the reprisals, alas, are unknown [72]. According to one version, the grandfather of the hero of the Great Patriotic War, Zoya Kosmodemyanskaya, was a priest and died at the hands of whites for refusing to give horses [73]. It is very likely that a targeted search will give many other similar examples.

And the second circumstance. As already mentioned, the data collected by the ROC strongly indicate that it was in 1918-1919, that is, the most acute phase of the civil war, that accounted for the overwhelming majority (about 80%) of all deaths of clergymen that took place in the studied decade. Since 1920, the number of such victims has been falling rapidly. As noted above, modern church researchers were able to find information about only 33 cases of death of clergymen in 1923–1926, of which 5 people fell in 1925, and 3 in 1926. And this is for the whole country, where at that time about 60 thousand Orthodox clergy were working.

What do these two circumstances indicate? The fact that there was no "state course" for the alleged "physical destruction of the clergy," as it is sometimes written about in near-historical journalism, did not exist. In fact, the main reason for the deaths of clergy in 1917-1926. were not at all their religious convictions ("for the faith"), not their formal affiliation with the Church ("for being a priest"), but that super-tense military-political situation in which each of the forces fiercely fought for its domination and swept away on its way all opponents, real or imaginary. And as soon as the intensity of the civil war began to subside, the number of arrests and executions of the clergy rapidly declined.

Thus, on the basis of data from official church reports, diocesan publications and materials from the 1926 All-Union Population Census of the USSR, the following results were obtained: by the beginning of 1917, about 68,100 clergymen were working in the Territory; by the end of 1926there were about 58.6 thousand of them; from the beginning of 1917 to the end of 1926 in the Territory:

- At least 12.5 thousand clergymen of the Russian Orthodox Church died of natural causes;

- 2 thousand clergy emigrated;

- about 6, 8 thousand priests have taken off their holy orders;

- there were 11, 7-13, 3 thousand priests;

- 79, 8–81, 4 thousand people “managed to visit” clergy;

- no more than 1, 6 thousand clergymen died by violent death.

Thus, according to the presented figures and estimates, from 1917 to 1926, no more than 1,600 clergymen perished by violent death within the borders of the USSR in 1926, which is no more than 2% of the total number of clergymen of the Russian Orthodox Church in these years. Of course, each component of the proposed model can (and therefore should) be refined by further research. However, it must be assumed that the final result will not undergo any radical changes in the future.

An analysis of the data of the Russian Orthodox Church showed that the overwhelming majority (about 80%) of the clergy who died in 1917–1926 interrupted their earthly journey during the hottest phase of the civil war - in 1918 and 1919. Moreover, the murders of priests were committed not only by the Red Army and Soviet repressive organs (VChK-GPU), but also by representatives of the White movement, anarchists, criminals, politically indifferent peasants, etc.

The statistics obtained are in good agreement with the archival data of the Cheka, as well as with specific biographical material collected by modern church researchers, although these data themselves need to be supplemented and clarified.