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Video: Sale to Russia on the eve of perestroika: insidious plans of the fifth column
2024 Author: Seth Attwood | [email protected]. Last modified: 2023-12-16 15:55
About the treacherous activities of the deputy group, formed with the tacit support of the leadership of the USSR and the US special services, the most active fragments of which today are Chubais, Ponomarev, Afanasyev and "patriot" Boldyrev …
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Nevertheless, through the efforts of the cosmopolitan leaders, the calm, balanced programs of the Russian patriots were blocked, and their creators, with rare exceptions, could not get into the number of people's deputies.
The spirit of denial of the national interests of Russia, the opposition of Russians to other peoples of the USSR, "vile creeping Russophobia", hidden behind the noisy slogans about democracy, prevailed.
At the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, the Supreme Soviet was elected, according to the just remark of N. I. Ryzhkova, "old in name, but absolutely new in essence, the structure of state power." It was headed by M. S. Gorbachev. The chairman of the Council of the Union of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR was the son of a prominent Jewish Bolshevik E. M. Primakov.
In the depths of the deputy corps, a new center of power is emerging, oriented towards the West, the dismemberment of Russia and the denial of its spiritual values.
It becomes the so-called Interregional Deputy Group (MDG), headed by B. Yeltsin and A. Sakharov. Its formation was carried out with the tacit support of the country's top leadership and the secret assistance of the American special services.
In September 1989, the head of the Interregional Deputy Group, Boris Yeltsin, was sent to the United States, where he negotiated behind closed doors with representatives of various American organizations. It was after this trip that the CIA dramatically expanded its scope of operations, and deep cover groups were activated. The training of agents of influence is put on the stream.
The tasks of the American residency in the USSR are simplified by the fact that the contingent of traitors among the people's deputies (mainly from the party apparatus, science and culture), with whom it has to work, acquires a sense of impunity, inspired by high support. Moreover, in the new light of perestroika, ordinary traitors and traitors are presented as fighters for the idea.
The Interregional Group is supported by the National Council in Support of the Democratic Movement in the USSR, which was the brainchild of the American Foundation for Resistance International, whose executive director A. Jolis, an intelligence officer, was introduced to the fund's management in 1984 by CIA Director W. Casey.
Another influential anti-Russian organization in the United States that supported the Interregional Deputy Group was the Free Congress Foundation, whose president was P. Veyrich, and the curator for Russia was R. Cribble (director of the institute of the same name).
Employees of these organizations, funded by the CIA, trained opposition leaders in the principles and mechanics of the struggle for power. P. Veyrich recalls the meeting of the Interregional Deputy Group, which took place in one of the Moscow hotels:
“There, under the shadow of the Kremlin, they proclaimed their commitment to private property, a free market, advocated the restoration of religion in the Soviet Union and the dismantling of the Soviet empire. It was an unforgettable moment. When we heard their fiery speeches about freedom, felt their passionate desire for economic and political liberalization, we could not believe that this was really happening.
The training sessions focused on organizational techniques used in democratic campaigns and during elections. The group acted so successfully that already after ten days, before its departure, the deputies announced the opening of a pre-election training school for future candidates. They also made a video recording of all the sessions, planning to use it during the upcoming election campaigns.”
Millions of dollars to pay for traitors through various intermediary structures controlled by the CIA are flowing into our country.
For example, the Cribble Institute (whose head, in his own words, decided to "devote his energies to the collapse of the Soviet empire"), has created a whole network of its representative offices in the republics of the former USSR.
With the help of these representations, from November 1989 to March 1992, about fifty "training conferences" were held in various points of the USSR: Moscow, St. Petersburg, Yekaterinburg, Voronezh, Tallinn, Vilnius, Riga, Kiev, Minsk, Lvov, Odessa, Yerevan, Nizhny Novgorod, Irkutsk, Tomsk. Six instructional conferences were held in Moscow alone.
The nature of the instructive work of the representatives of the Cribble Institute is evidenced by the example of the party propagandist G. Burbulis, who until 1988 firmly repeated the theses about the leading role of the CPSU and emphasized "the consolidating role of the party in the perestroika process."
After passing the briefing "at Kribla", he began to constantly repeat that "the empire (ie the USSR) must be destroyed."
Thousands of people passed through the network of representative offices of the Cribla Institute and similar institutions financed from the CIA funds, instructive training of agents of influence from among the Interregional Deputy Group, and a little later the association "Democratic Russia", who later formed the backbone of the destroyers of the USSR and the basis of the future Yeltsin regime including:
Yu Afanasyev,
Yu Boldyrev,
E. Bonner, Boxer, M. Bocharov, G. Burbulis, E. Gaidar, B. Yeltsin, S. Kovalev, V. Lukin, A. Murashov, A. Nuikin,
L. Ponomarev,
G. Popov, M. Poltoranin, A. Sakharov, A. Sobchak, S. Stankevich, G. Starovoitova,
A. Chubais,
N. Shmelev, G. Yavlinsky and many others.
Another brainchild of the CIA, the National Contribution to Democracy Association (headed by A. Weinstein), was also involved in financing and preparing the Interregional Deputy Group. To transfer money to finance the traitors to the Motherland, among other intermediary structures, a "Fund of Initiatives" is being created in Moscow, which repeatedly appeals to its overseas owners with a request for financial support.
As noted, in particular, in the document of the “National Endowment for Democracy” on the activities of the “Fund of Initiatives”: “The Board of Trustees recruited from the ranks of the Interregional Group oversees the day-to-day activities of the fund, which receives voluntary donations from Soviet citizens …” The Fund Initiatives”appealed to the“National Endowment for Democracy”(through the mediation of the“Free Congress Fund”- OP) with a request to finance the purchase of equipment for an information center in Moscow.
President's visit
So, in November 1963, Kennedy arrived in Texas. This trip was planned as part of the preparatory campaign for the 1964 presidential election. The head of state himself noted that it is very important for him to win in Texas and Florida. In addition, Vice President Lyndon Johnson was a local and the travel to the state was emphasized.
But the representatives of the special services were afraid of the visit. Literally a month before the president's arrival, Adlai Stevenson, the US representative to the UN, was attacked in Dallas. Earlier, during one of Lyndon Johnson's performances here, he was booed by a crowd of … housewives. On the eve of the President's arrival, leaflets with the image of Kennedy and the inscription "Wanted for Betrayal" were posted around the city. The situation was tense, and troubles awaited. True, they thought that demonstrators with placards would take to the streets or throw rotten eggs at the president, no more.
Local authorities were more pessimistic. In his book The Assassination of President Kennedy, William Manchester, a historian and journalist who chronicled the assassination attempt at the request of the President's family, writes: “Federal Judge Sarah T. Hughes feared incidents, Attorney Burfoot Sanders, senior Justice Department official in this part of Texas and the vice president’s spokesman in Dallas told Johnson’s political adviser Cliff Carter that given the city’s political atmosphere, the trip seemed "inappropriate." The city officials had trembling knees from the very beginning of this trip. The wave of local hostility towards the federal government had reached a critical point, and they knew it."
But the pre-election campaign was approaching, and they did not change the presidential travel plan. On November 21, a presidential plane landed at the airport of San Antonio (Texas' second most populous city). Kennedy attended Air Force Medical School, went to Houston, spoke at the university there, and attended a Democratic Party banquet.
The next day, the President went to Dallas. With a difference of 5 minutes, the vice president's plane arrived at Dallas Love Field airport, and then Kennedy's. At about 11:50 am, the motorcade of the first persons moved towards the city. The Kennedys were in the fourth limousine. In the same car with the President and the First Lady were US Secret Service agent Roy Kellerman, Texas Governor John Connally and his wife, agent William Greer was driving.
Three shots
It was originally planned that the motorcade would travel in a straight line on Main Street - there was no need to slow down on it. But for some reason, the route was changed, and the cars drove along Elm Street, where cars had to slow down. In addition, on Elm Street, the motorcade was closer to the educational store, from where the shooting was carried out.
Shots rang out at 12:30. Eyewitnesses took them either for the claps of a cracker, or for the sound of the exhaust, even the special agents did not immediately find their bearings. There were three shots in total (although even this is controversial), the first was Kennedy wounded in the back, the second bullet hit the head, and this wound became fatal. Six minutes later, the motorcade arrived at the nearest hospital, at 12:40 the president died.
The prescribed forensic medical research, which had to be done on the spot, was not carried out. Kennedy's body was immediately sent to Washington.
Workers at the training store told police that the shots were fired from their building. Based on a series of testimonies, an hour later, Police Officer Tippit attempted to detain warehouse worker Lee Harvey Oswald. He had a pistol with which he shot Tippit. As a result, Oswald was still captured, but two days later he also died. He was shot by a certain Jack Ruby while the suspect was being taken out of the police station. Thus, he wanted to "justify" his hometown.
So, by November 24, the president was assassinated, and so was the prime suspect. Nevertheless, in accordance with the decree of the new President Lyndon Johnson, a commission was formed, headed by the Chief Justice of the United States of America Earl Warren. There were seven people in total. For a long time, they studied the testimony of witnesses, documents, and in the end they concluded that a lone killer had attempted to assassinate the president. Jack Ruby, in their opinion, also acted alone and had exclusively personal motives for the murder.
Under suspicion
To understand what happened next, you need to travel to New Orleans, the hometown of Lee Harvey Oswald, where he last visited in 1963. On the evening of November 22, an altercation broke out at a local bar between Guy Banister and Jack Martin. Banister ran a small detective agency here, Martin worked for him. The reason for the quarrel had nothing to do with the Kennedy assassination, it was a purely industrial conflict. In the heat of the argument, Banister pulled out his pistol and hit Martin in the head with it several times. He shouted: "Will you kill me the way you killed Kennedy?"
The phrase aroused suspicion. Martin, who was admitted to the hospital, was interrogated, and he said that his boss Banister knew a certain David Ferry, who, in turn, knew Lee Harvey Oswald quite well. Further, the victim claimed that Ferry convinced Oswald to attack the president using hypnosis. Martin was considered not entirely normal, but in connection with the assassination of the president, the FBI worked out every version. Ferry was also interrogated, but the case did not receive any further progress in 1963.
… Three years have passed
Ironically, Martin's testimony was not forgotten, and in 1966 New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison reopened the investigation. He collected testimony that confirmed that the Kennedy assassination was the result of a conspiracy involving former civil aviation pilot David Ferry and businessman Clay Shaw. Of course, a few years after the murder, some of this testimony was not entirely reliable, but still Garrison continued to work.
He was hooked on the fact that a certain Clay Bertrand appeared in the report of the Warren Commission. Who he is is unknown, but immediately after the murder, he called New Orleans lawyer Dean Andrews and offered to defend Oswald. Andrews, however, remembered the events of that evening very poorly: he had pneumonia, a high temperature and he took a lot of drugs. However, Garrison believed that Clay Shaw and Clay Bertrand were one and the same person (later Andrews admitted that he generally gave false testimony regarding Bertrand's call).
Shaw, meanwhile, was a famous and respected figure in New Orleans. A war veteran, he ran a successful trade business in the city, participated in the public life of the city, wrote plays that were staged throughout the country. Garrison believed that Shaw was part of a group of arms dealers who were aiming to bring down the Fidel Castro regime. Kennedy's rapprochement with the USSR and the lack of a consistent policy against Cuba, according to his version, became the reason for the assassination of the president.
In February 1967, the details of this case appeared in the New Orleans States Item, it is possible that the investigators themselves organized the "leak" of information. A few days later, David Ferry, who was considered the main link between Oswald and the organizers of the assassination attempt, was found dead at his home. The man died of a cerebral hemorrhage, but the strange thing was that he left two notes of confused and confused content. If Ferry had committed suicide, then the notes could be considered dying, but his death did not look like a suicide.
Despite shaky evidence and evidence against Shaw, the case was brought to trial, and hearings began in 1969. Garrison believed that Oswald, Shaw, and Ferry had conspired in June 1963, that there were several who shot the president, and that the bullet that killed him was not the one fired by Lee Harvey Oswald. Witnesses were summoned to the trial, but the arguments presented did not convince the jury. It took them less than an hour to reach a verdict: Clay Shaw was acquitted. And his case remained in history as the only one brought to trial in connection with the Kennedy assassination.
Elena Minushkina
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