Whose will killed Nicholas II?

2024 Author: Seth Attwood | [email protected]. Last modified: 2023-12-16 15:55

One gigantic mistake of all, then terry historians and the average man in the street, in describing history is the ideology and composition of the Soviets.

The first Soviets after the February Revolution - the liberal people's representatives of all parties and estates - created a new law, created all kinds of projects for reorganizing the political, social and economic life of Russia.

What projects were not created at these meetings!

These days, the amazing universality of the knowledge of an intellectual and a simple gray inhabitant was discovered … There was not a single question that would not be within the power of any visitor to these popular gatherings.

So it was thought. In fact, it turned out that all this creativity was “captive thought irritation”, that after it there was an empty space, confusion and frenzy. Delight in freedom.

The position of the Bolsheviks regarding the fate of the former tsar was clearly expressed by the representative of the party of the CPSU (b) Steklov on March 30, 1917, at the All-Russian conference of delegates from the Soviets of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies and members of the Provisional Government:

“From conversations with the Provisional Government, we learned that it had already arrested them, though not the way we wanted, but still arrested them. And then we made a statement to the Provisional Government from the Executive Committee, in which we indicated that by no means out of motives of personal revenge or desire for retribution, even if deserved by these gentlemen, but in the name of the interests of the Russian revolution and freedom, so dearly won by the Russian people, we recognize the immediate arrest of all, without exception, members of the former royal family, as well as the confiscation of all their immovable and movable property and their detention and arrest until they are denied the capital that they hold abroad and which cannot be otherwise, from there get it. (Stormy applause.)

The renunciation of all of them for themselves and for their descendants forever from any claims to the Russian throne and forever depriving them of the rights of a Russian citizen. (Stormy applause.)

The resolution of the question of the further fate of persons of the former imperial family should follow only by agreement with the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies. (Voices: right, applause).

And finally, the admission of the Commissar of the Council of Workers 'and Soldiers' Deputies to participate in their arrest, keeping them in custody and negotiating with them on the points that I have already mentioned to you”.

For the second time, the question of the fate of the former tsar was raised already on August 10 of the same year at a joint meeting of the Central Committee of Soviets and the Executive Committee of Peasant Deputies. Where Svetlov said:

“By the decree of the Provisional Government, the former Tsar Nicholas

Romanov was transported from Tsarskoe Selo to one of the remote provinces of Russia. Semi-official report on this issue, given by journalist N. V. Nekrasov says the transfer is based on extremely important political considerations.

We, of course, cannot dispute the correctness of this step.

Provisional Government. If at his disposal there is information that the former tsar, in the interests of protecting the revolution, should not be in Tsarskoe Selo, but in some other, more distant city of Russia, then it goes without saying that revolutionary democracy will not hinder and protest against such a step.

Revolutionary democracy delegating its representatives

she trusts this government as a member of the Provisional Government, she is confident that the government is aware of the need for the revolution to reliably protect the former tsar and deprive him of the opportunity in any way to contribute to the development of counter-revolution. Of course, the stay of the former tsar in one of the remote provinces of Russia will contribute to the fact that no counter-revolutionary organizations will be able to enter into relations with him and use his name for their criminal purposes.

And nevertheless, we must admit that the situation in which the transfer of the former tsar took place caused just bewilderment among the revolutionary democracy and gave rise to extremely undesirable and dangerous fermentation among the proletarian and soldier masses. We understand, of course, that the transfer of the former tsar had to be done without undue publicity, but the government had to inform the broad masses of the population about such an important step he was taking, especially since the fate of the former tsar was closely watched by millions of Russian workers, soldiers and peasants. perfectly remembering all the evil that Nicholas II caused, Russia.

To hide from the people the conditions for the transfer of the tsar means to arouse in them the suspicion that someone, for some reason, wants to take such an act towards the former tsar, which revolutionary democracy cannot be satisfied with.

We think that, of course, in this case, the Provisional Government did not consciously want to hide its decision from democracy. We believe that this decision was dictated solely by considerations of protecting the revolution, but the fact remains. Adopted and implemented in this form, it aroused some mistrust in the democratic environment in the very essence of this decision.

And now it would be highly desirable that the Temporary

The government has exhaustively explained to all the people

the true setting of the transfer of the king. For leaving democracy at the mercy of those completely inaccurate and sometimes provocative information about the circumstances of the tsar's move, which is given by the bourgeois press, is tantamount to contributing to the growth of distrust of the government of the soldiers, workers and peasants."

To which Kerensky replied:

"On behalf of the Provisional Government, I give a solemn promise that any attempt to restore a monarchical form of government in Russia will be suppressed in the most decisive, merciless manner."

So, there was no participation of the Bolsheviks: neither for the arrest, nor for the transfer of the royal family to Tobolsk, nor their protection.

Further: the newspaper of the Provisional Siberian Government "Siberian Life" June 8, 1918 full information about the maintenance of the royal family in Tobolsk and its translation "forced" to Yekaterinburg: (scan of the newspaper in the title), “Everything was extraordinary in this city chosen by God, abundant in churches. And peaceful, seemingly undisturbed philistine life, and its cheapness, and undoubted safety, and the sufficiency of a bargaining chip.

And if we add to this the presence of the provincial commissar of the provisional government, militia and Soviet power in the form of a coalition of its own Sovdep (Menshevik) and representation from the zemstvo and the city, then the picture is almost idealistic. Such was Tobolsk back in March.

On the main street of the city, st. Svoboda, the deposed tsar and his family were located in the old state "governor's" house. But this somewhat special circumstance did not affect the life of Tobolsk. The area in front of the house was fenced off by a low fence, on which no one had walked before, and around the house there was a guard of the so-called "special purpose squad".

Only. They knew that the former royal family was being guarded, and were not interested in anything else. Guarded and guarded.

But then the smell of spring began, the roads began to deteriorate, and the first disturbing rumors came to pass, and then the facts came.

At the end of March, with extreme precautions, two armed detachments of the Tyumen and Omsk Soviets arrived in Tobolsk, followed by the Yral, Omsk, followed by the Latvian, etc., etc.

The appearance of the very first (Tyumen) detachment was marked by the invasion of the best hotel, with the usual searches, confiscation of "excess", and an attack on the club buffet, where the detachment had a free dinner and paid for what was eaten only two days later, under pressure from the Omsk detachment. All special or extraordinary commissars appeared with the detachments, the authenticity of which was later questioned (they turned out to be not "real"). But so far they hastened to terrify the inhabitants.

Moreover, each such commissar invariably for some reason sought a meeting with the former tsar. But invariably, such harassment was met with resistance from the consolation of a special purpose.

The detachment considered itself subordinate only to the central government and denied that the local Sovdep, its detachment or commissar had the right to intervene in the protection of the former tsar, rightly believing that such solicitous dates could turn out to be either provocateurs or accomplices of the flight.

But one of the arriving detachments decided to seek the change of the special-purpose detachment and, for this purpose, threatened with isolation, that is, deprivation of water and illumination of the buildings occupied by the family of the former tsar and the guards. The special task force responded to this with actual preparation for battle, armed to the teeth. Of course, all harassment stopped immediately.

But in the most desperate thaw, when the Irtysh swelled to the brim, carts appeared on the streets of Tobolsk, carrying another armed detachment. It was a Moscow detachment headed by Commissar Yakovlev, who had both undoubted mandates of the central government and some really extraordinary powers.

Before Lenin's signature, verified by telegraph, a special detachment gave up and allowed Yakovlev to see the former tsar. Alice, who was present, about this meeting, categorically declared her intention not to part with her husband, whose abduction was a foregone conclusion.

And so, one spring morning, Nikolai, Alisa and one of their daughters Maria set out under the protection of the Moscow detachment and 8 people of the special detachment on horseback to Tyumen. Here they safely boarded the prepared train and headed north towards Moscow.

But, sensing some threatening symptoms in Yekaterinburg, they managed to turn the train to Tyumen towards Omsk. And in front of Omsk, they learned about an upcoming armed meeting here and again drove through Yekaterinburg.

The guns and detachments at the Yekaterinburg railway station did not allow doubts about the immediate moods of the Urals, and when the train of the former tsar entered between the rows of freight cars, Commissar Yakovlev disappeared. And 8 people of the special purpose detachment were disarmed and arrested, but then the Ural Soviet of Deputies allowed them to return to Tobolsk.

At that time, Commissar Yakovlev sent a telegram to the Tobolsk Sovdep stating that he was forced to resign and leave for Moscow to report to the Council of People's Commissars.

And not a few days later, agent telegrams brought a short official notification from the Central Executive Committee (but not the Council of People's Commissars itself) that Nikolai was under the protection of the Ural detachment, which, by the way, passed a resolution about Lenin's compromise and counterrevolutionary nature.

So Nikolai continues to stay in Yekaterinburg, where the rest of his family were delivered at the end of May.

The governor's house in Tobolsk was finally assigned the statutory appointment - it was taken over by the Tobolsk Soviet of Deputies.

Whose will stopped the transfer of Nicholas II with his family to Moscow? And where is the Bolshevik majority in the Soviets of Yekaterinburg?

Even if the Moscow Soviet consisted of 31 percent of the so-called Bolsheviks and sympathizers! In all the Soviets of provinces and cities, the tsarist oprichniks prevailed - members of the former tsarist administration and their local administrations.

The same "Siberian Life" on August 10, 1918 publishes material:

The fate of the royal family

“On July 31, the editors of the Chelyab. gas. "Morning of Siberia" received informational material from the life of Yekaterinburg in recent days.

The death of Nikolai Romanov is confirmed by a special rule. proclamation.

All his papers were seized.

On July 30, 10 versts from Yekaterinburg, a burial mound was discovered, where metal things were found that belonged separately to all members of the royal family and the bones of burnt corpses according to the number of members of the Romanov family.

Investigative authorities went to the place of burning.

The hostages were taken away. Book. Elena Petrovna, gr. Gendrikov and the third surname is not yet known.

All hostages 60 people

The Bolsheviks fled to Verkhoturye."

So what is it? Shooting or imitation?

Hostages 60 people, accompanying them must be at least 300 or 500. This is a whole detachment gone into oblivion …

This is why the archives will never open. Where are the lists of members of the Yekaterinburg Council? Who commanded the regional military detachment? Etc.

Where are these detachments that were in Tobolsk? Whose? And why the same formations could not be on the entire route of the royal family

99 years have passed, that's just what: shooting or imitation? Provoked by the white units, to discredit the Bolshevik regime, especially in the days of the Left SR revolt.

(chronicle of the rebellion in Dokol 2 -