Stolypin - a sacrifice of Israel

2024 Author: Seth Attwood | [email protected]. Last modified: 2023-12-16 15:55

The 156th anniversary of the birth of Pyotr Arkadievich Stolypin is approaching. The scale of what this statesman did in just four years in power is still largely unclear.

It seemed that Stolypin was sent by Providence to save Russia. Appointed governor of a province in which peasant revolts raged most violently, he showed such qualities that could not go unnoticed and, after the dissolution of the Duma, he was appointed prime minister. Stolypin set himself the task of revealing the true causes of revolutionary phenomena and eradicating them not by repressive, but by sound constructive measures.

Therefore, in his analysis of the situation, he did not rely on false publications and demagogic slander, describing "the suffering of a people thirsting for freedom"; he received information directly from the people, which for him was not a "Myth with a capital M", but real people. From ordinary people who were close to him from childhood, he always and everywhere heard the same words. Here is what Stolypin's daughter, Alexandra, said on this score: "It is true - said the peasants - there is no benefit to anyone from robbery and devastation." When my father asked why they were doing this then, one of the peasants, under the approval of the others, said: “All I want is a document from the government that will give me and my family a piece of land. I can pay a little - thank God, I have hands; but if everything is as it is now - what's the point of working? We love the land and are ready to work on it as much as possible, but they take away from us what we put our whole soul and heart into, and next year the community sends us to work somewhere else. What I say, Your Excellency, is true and everyone agrees with it. What's the use of our efforts?"

Alexandra Stolypina adds: “My father listened to all these speeches with endless regret. He often said that unhappy Russia was becoming a raw material appendage. In his mind, he imagined the flourishing farms of neighboring Germany, where calmness and stability made it possible to gather large harvests on incomparably smaller territories and increase prosperity. passed from father to son. He turned his attention to the Urals, where untreated virgin lands and all the treasures of rich nature slept in eternal sleep."

Malinsky said that these words fully reflect the reasons for the Russian disaster. It was the spitefulness generated by poverty that became the basis of the revolutionary movement. This is the cause of all revolutions in general; even religious revolutions are no exception, since the motive of faith is not an incendiary mixture, but only a wick. The root causes of the growing unrest in Russia were the hopeless position of the masses who lived in agriculture, who now did not know where to lay their hands, the "emancipation" of the lower classes and the transformation of people into cogs of a faceless industrial machine, in no hurry to raise wages that remained at the pre-capitalist level, which led to fabulous profits and the formation of new states.

Stolypin was the only one who clearly saw the true reasons for what was happening and he found a remedy against them. Of noble birth and upbringing, he took up the inconceivable and paradoxical task of creating from the well-known and understandable feudalism a "decisively revolutionary principle" capable of defeating both capitalism and socialism. For this, he created a reform of Russian affairs, to which he devoted all his efforts.

On November 9th, 1906, he presented and insisted on the ratification of the new Land Law, which opened up private ownership of land. On the basis of this Law, each peasant could leave the Commune and acquire a plot of land on credit or for the amount that he possessed, and the state treasury took upon itself the payment of the difference. Some of these lands belonged to the state, others were bought by the state below the cost price from those who wanted to sell it. As a result of this law, half a million heads of families acquired almost four million hectares of land.

This was the first point of Stolypin's program. It was, figuratively speaking, the first urgent measure designed to stem the growing revolutionary unrest and provide the stability needed for the second phase of the plan. This second phase had as its goal the development of the almost virgin lands of the Asian and eastern regions of the Empire, not in the capitalist direction, but within the framework of a closed national economy, a real autarchy, which was to be united along the lines of the feudal system. However, in order to achieve this goal, it was necessary to solve the communication problem first. Therefore, Stolypin began construction of the Southern Trans-Siberian Railway.

The Trans-Siberian Railway already existed, built on the initiative of Witte and clearly reflecting the purely capitalist orientation of this minister. In fact, it was built with the aim of connecting Europe and the most populated parts of Russia with the Far East to serve the Far Eastern interests of the financiers of Paris, London and Berlin and did not make the slightest contribution to solving the problem of access to empty fertile lands. Unlike the Transsiberian Railway, Stolypin's project solved this very important task. In the settlement of the eastern regions, Stolypin saw the possibility of the destruction of capitalist tyranny and the birth of a balanced system based on real needs, and not on the multiplication of foreign capital, generating only excessive and erratic economic activity.

Malinsky writes: "In 1895, after three hundred years of Russian domination, Siberia, much more spacious than the whole of Europe, was inhabited by four million inhabitants, some of whom were political and criminal exiles." From 1985 to 1907 (between the opening of the first Transsib and Stolypin's coming to power) the population of Siberia increased by almost one and a half million. For three years under Stolypin, even before the completion of the construction of the new road, it increased by almost two million. There is every reason to believe that, taking into account the new railway and subject to the government's efforts to overcome the eternal Russian inertia, the population of Siberia by 1920-1930 should have amounted to 30-40 million. Moreover, not 30-40 million hungry proletarians in search of odd jobs, but 30-40 million wealthy and prosperous landowners, satisfied with their lives and confident in the future, economically, as far as possible, independent and are an excellent brake on any revolution. It would be such a conservative and even reactionary force, the likes of which is not found in any other country in the world.

Naturally, these small landowners would have to coexist with larger ones, which would provide a kind of center of gravity and, possibly, develop new autonomous forms of industry, excluding foreign elements and intermediaries, ultimately forming a harmoniously developed system of trusts.

Unlike capitalist industrialism, it would be based strictly on private property, on a true system of values, on the stability of owners and an exclusively reciprocal credit system, in which debts, rotating in closed circulation, would be covered by reciprocal services. On the day this plan was implemented, the superiority of a system based on private property over faceless capitalism, which corrupts all true values, would be clearly demonstrated. This would illuminate the darkness of an era in which it is believed that there is no other choice for humanity than between Jewish communism and Jewish capitalism, leading only to depersonalization and equalization.

Malinsky adds that the kind of crisis that most of our world is currently suffering from, a paradoxical crisis of overproduction, would be unimaginable under the Stolypin system described above. In her, such a crisis would be a blessing from Heaven. When capitalism concludes that excess leads to poverty, it refutes the other: "credit brings prosperity" and comes to self-denial. Unfortunately, only socialism, which is capitalism squared, benefits from this absurdity.

At the beginning of the century, Stolypin proposed this new solution and began to implement it in practice. Many factors made his task easier. First, the capabilities of the Russian land, which were able to provide an autarkic regime. Secondly, due to ancient traditions, there was still a vivid sense of the connection between the landowner and the Tsar, between the inheritance of the estate and the inheritance of the entire Kingdom, between which there was no other difference except in the difference in degree on a single scale of values; values, primarily spiritual, not material. Finally, there was the still unspoiled character of the Russian peasantry, loyal and loyal, not infected with capitalist thinking, unknown to him until recently. That is why Stolypin could achieve success in his business and create an unprecedented masterpiece out of chaotic and turbulent Russia.

But to achieve this goal, it was necessary to cross the road to Israel, to reveal the management of the "chosen people" in both fundamental strategic directions of its modern offensive: capitalism and socialism. And this is the reason why Stolypin, although he did not show any particular hostility towards the Jews, became their "black beast"; the international press, which they subsidized, began to describe him as a tyrant, a bloodthirsty beast, an oppressor, while he, a great feudalist, was an incomparable liberal, creating private property and, accordingly, freedom, striving only to save his homeland, which was then still possible.

Under Stolypin, in contrast to what happened later, there were no pogroms in Russia. However, without persecuting the Jews, Stolypin threatened them more than he would have ordered the extermination of several tens of thousands of them. It was obvious that with his policies he made impossible their parasitic way of life, eradicated Russia's dependence on international Jewish finance and that he would not allow any subversive maneuvers of the Jewish revolutionary international. Before Jews, who could not and did not want to live otherwise, only a gloomy prospect of emigration opened up. Never did Russian Jews apply for emigration, mainly to the United States, the promised land of capitalism, more than under Stolypin. The government, naturally, did not force itself to beg and did not build any barriers to emigration. Stolypin, thus, not weakly contributed to the increase in the population of the ghettos of the American and European metropolises. As Malinsky said well, the scoundrels fled from Russia, the new Egypt, without even being forced to build pyramids there under the blows of lashes.

But it couldn't last long. The leaders of the secret front of world subversion quickly agreed to "crush the dishonest." Israel, as you know, does not forgive: “whoever goes against Israel will know neither peace nor sleep,” as their tradition says. It was too much to allow one coup to suppress both simple and squared capitalism, which was to be built after communist collectivism. After all, it was not about some small state, but about Russia, which itself is the size of an entire continent.

To those who accuse us of the illusion of a "world conspiracy", we will say that it is no coincidence that in broad daylight Stolypin's villa was burned to the ground by a bomb thrown by Jews disguised as employees. Hundreds of innocent people died, and if the minister got out of this unharmed, then his children suffered. Subsequently, conspiracies multiplied, although they were prevented by the police. Until one day the irreparable happened. In September 1911, in Kiev, during a performance at the opera, a police agent in evening dress, without attracting attention, approached Stolypin and unloaded his revolver into him. Again, by chance it turned out to be a Jew.

A few days later, Stolypin died. Europe has given no more importance to this than to any other assassination attempt; "Everything is so in Russia" - there was a general opinion. But, in reality, those who could compare cause and effect saw that this misfortune was irreparable. As Malinsky rightly said, from a historical point of view, not only the prime minister was killed by a Jewish bullet, the very possibility of a future strong and great Russia was destroyed, since later it became clear that no one else had sufficient height to continue Stolypin's work with the same insight and determination. If Stolypin had survived, then, probably, Russia would have escaped the revolution despite the war, but "fate", a term in this case synonymous with a secret conspiracy, decided otherwise. They say that Nicholas II, signing the abdication, said: "If Stolypin had been with us, this would not have happened."